Why a GPS-GRS “Borneo Bloc” Remains Off the Table — For Now
By S L Lim, Sabah Political Observer
KOTA KINABALU: The narrative of a unified “Borneo Bloc”—a political coalition binding Sarawak’s Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) and Sabah’s Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS)—has long been touted as the ultimate tool for East Malaysian self-determination.
The premise is mathematically compelling: combined, the two states hold 56 parliamentary seats, a formidable leverage point capable of demanding strict compliance with the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) and enforcing substantial revenue rights from Putrajaya.
Yet, despite continuous overtures from Kota Kinabalu, leaders in Kuching remain noticeably distant.
Sarawak’s reluctance is not an absolute rejection of Bornean solidarity; rather, it is a calculated choice rooted in one fundamental prerequisite:
Sarawak will not tie its political fate to a partner that remains dependent on Peninsular Malaysia (“Malaya”).
1. Absolute Autonomy vs. Entangled Alliances
Sarawak’s political landscape is defined by singular dominance and stability. Following the total phase-out of Peninsular-based parties from its governing coalition, GPS established an unassailable majority in the state legislature.
Through state-owned powerhouses like Petros, disciplined fiscal policy, and legal ownership of its natural resources, Kuching deals directly with Putrajaya from a position of absolute sovereignty.
For Sarawak, forming a formal institutional alliance with Sabah under its current political setup carries severe structural risks:
Risk of Imported Compromise:
GPS operates on an uncompromising “Sarawak First” mandate. Binding itself to Sabah under current conditions would force Kuching to accommodate a state whose political decisions are still heavily negotiated with Peninsular power centers.
Dilution of Bargaining Power:
With 23 parliamentary seats, GPS already functions as an independent kingmaker. Adding a coalition partner whose internal politics are vulnerable to federal dictation reduces, rather than increases, Sarawak’s negotiating power.
2. The Peninsular Footprint in Sabah’s Governance
The core point of friction between Kuching and Kota Kinabalu is the ongoing role of Peninsular political parties in Sabah’s administration. While Sarawak purged direct peninsular party involvement to safeguard its local mandate, Sabah’s political arena remains intertwined with Putrajaya.
Coalition Instability:
Sabah’s political history has been marked by shifting alliances, frequent party-hopping, and fragile legislative majorities. To maintain local stability, Sabah leaders have frequently relied on direct partnerships with national coalitions like Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH).
Perceptions of Subservience:
From the vantage point of Kuching, Sabah’s local parties remain vulnerable to federal pressure because they rely on federal backing to preserve their governing majorities. Sarawak leaders view this reliance—exacerbated by patronage networks and local scandals—as a structural weakness that compromises any joint Bornean agenda.
Sarawak recognizes that a formal “Borneo Bloc” with Sabah today would indirectly entangle Kuching with the very Peninsular interests it worked so hard to distance itself from.
3. The Door Isn’t Locked: The Condition for a True “Borneo Bloc”
Sarawak Premier Abang Johari Openg and GPS leaders are pragmatic. They recognize that a truly united East Malaysia would be virtually unstoppable in national politics. However, Sarawak’s message to Sabah is clear:
A Borneo Bloc is only viable if it is a union of equals built on genuine regional sovereignty.
For Sarawak to genuinely consider a formal, binding Borneo Bloc, Sabah must first meet three critical benchmarks:
1. Eliminate Federal Dependency:
Sabah’s local leadership must demonstrate that it can form and sustain a stable state government completely independent of Peninsular party direction or federal patronage.
2. Present a Firm, Unified Front:
Sabah must resolve its internal political fragmentation and establish a cohesive regional coalition capable of standing firm against federal pressure without collapsing or resorting to party-hopping.
3. Commit to Uncompromising MA63 Demands:
Sabah must align completely with Sarawak’s legal and economic posture regarding the full restoration of MA63 rights—including revenue rights, carbon tax allocations, and resource control—without accepting diluted federal compromises.
Safeguarding the Sarawak Standard
Until Sabah achieves the political cohesion necessary to stand entirely on its own feet, Sarawak will continue to chart its own course.
Kuching will readily collaborate with Kota Kinabalu on ad-hoc, issue-based topics—such as joint carbon tax revenue demands or regional economic integration—but it will avoid institutional political mergers.
Sarawak refuses to be pulled by the nose, and it will not enter a partnership where its companion can be.
The door to a powerful Borneo Bloc remains open, but the key rests entirely in Sabah’s ability to prove that its leaders are accountable solely to the people of Borneo, not to Putrajaya.
