By Remy Majangkim (Majangkim Office)
KOTA KINABALU: In August 2025, LDP president Datuk Chin Su Phin urged GRS to contest the state election solo – rejecting alignment with PH or BN. He claimed Sabahans would know who represents them, even in three or four‑cornered fights.
That advice was dangerously naive. The election did not deliver three or four corners. It delivered swarms – seven, ten, or even fourteen candidates in a single constituency.
This was a calculated vote‑dilution tactic – splitting the electorate so finely that no local candidate could secure a majority.
Candidates backed by federal interests won with tiny pluralities. When you have 14 people on a ballot, it is no longer a fair fight. It is a lottery rigged for those who can flood the zone.
The Unconfirmed Rumour That Refuses to Die
There is a persistent whisper across kopitiams: independent candidates – many of whom had lost their party tickets – were quietly sought out by a major political party.
Their mission was simple: contest specific seats to split the vote. In return, they were promised titles and post‑election rewards.
If true, this is not democracy. It is a market for spoilers – where losing your own ticket becomes a pathway to a datukship. We cannot verify the names or the party. But the rumour itself reflects a deep public belief that the swarm was engineered, not organic.
And that belief has poisoned trust in the entire electoral process. In the words over coffee: “Kalah pun boleh jadi Datuk!”
What the Swarm Did to Sabahan Unity
The swarm did more than steal seats. It broke something deeper.
The natives were dejected. Kadazan, Dusun, Murut, Rungus – communities that once voted with collective purpose now faced a bewildering list of unknowns. Many stayed home. Their silence is exhaustion.
The natives were devilled. The swarm pitted brother against brother. In kopitiams, suspicion replaced solidarity.
The natives were ignored. Winners with federal pockets had no genuine mandate. They ignored villages. No new roads. No clinic upgrades or delays. And no answer to the 40% demand. Silence in their actions.
The Post‑Election Scorecard
Let us look at the actual results.
UPKO – 2 seats. A “native party” that barely echoes.
Warisan – Majority after GRS. They dared to field candidates everywhere.
GRS – Coalition victory. Proving unity beats isolation.
LDP – Zero seats (if solo). Would have won nothing.
Note on UPKO: Their two seats decided to align with GRS instead of their historical partner Warisan. A calculated move to stay in power – not a principled stand for natives.
The biggest loser? The people of Sabah. While parties count seats, the people count losses.
Why “Solo” Was a Trap
Chin’s solo advice played into the swarm’s hands. When a local coalition stands alone against a dozen fragmented candidates – some genuine, many rumoured to be planted – the local vote splits so widely that a well‑funded proxy with 15% can win.
The only defence is pre‑election coordination: seat allocations, mutual non‑aggression pacts, and voter education to isolate fake candidates. Solo is not strong.
Solo is surrender.
The Way Forward
First, reject purity tests. Local parties must agree on single‑seat coordination before the next election.
Second, demand anti‑swarm legislation. A private bill to the august House should cap candidates per seat, require verified supporter signatures, and mandate public debates.
Third, investigate the rumour. If true, rewards to independent spoilers must be exposed and prosecuted as electoral fraud.
A Looming Shadow: The Mining Scandal Everyone Forgot
But there is another layer – one that explains why the swarm was allowed and why certain parties feel so secure.
In late 2024, a major scandal broke. Videos surfaced appearing to show GRS assemblymen discussing bribes for fast-tracking mining licences. Shots were fired. The MACC investigated. A dozen GRS lawmakers were implicated.
Then, the case involving a person close to the Prime Minister was closed with the statement “no mineral exploration activities were conducted”. For the others, the MACC found no “conclusive evidence”. The videos were dismissed as edited. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said there was no “clear‑cut proof”.
The scandal was swept aside. The MACC, under then-commissioner Tan Sri Azam Baki, took no action. GRS contested the election as a “clean” coalition.
A New Sheriff in Town?
On May 13, Datuk Seri Abdul Halim Aman – a former High Court judge with no ties to major businesses or political parties – will take over as the new MACC chief commissioner. He replaces Azam Baki, whose contract was allowed to expire.
The question now: will the mining scandal be reopened?
For GRS, this is a political earthquake. The coalition sailed through the election with the scandal forgotten, but its resolution was a federal political decision, not a legal one. A new, more independent‑minded commissioner could change everything overnight. If he chooses to act, the entire basis of GRS’s recent victory – and any “solo” ambition – could be wiped away.
The rain has stopped. The swarm has not. And now, a new storm is brewing on the horizon.
Let us prepare.
DISCLAIMER: The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of Jesselton Times.
